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Chinese Kinship systems

It would be impossible to disagree with the statement that "Chinese kinship is based on male predominance". In fact this statement may even be under-emphasizing the control and absolute power that males wield across all levels of Chinese society. Of course, where their power initially comes from though, is through the family or termed differently the "jia". It is this extended or ideal family that cultivates the consistent patrilineal form of control/descent and dictates that residence in said "jia" is primarily patrilocal. That being said, what I hope to be able to create over the following pages is a clearer understanding of the ideal (Chinese) system of control. This ideal system,based on the ideal of male predominance, is outlined impeccably in the writings of Baker, Watson and Xiaotong. There are also excellent examples of an ideal "jia" and its power structure in Wolf's ethnography, "The House of Lim". But Wolf"s ethnography also outlines examples whereby the ideal system of dominance is not always put into practice or is just not as smooth running as the writings of the 3 former anthropologists would have you believe. It is my aim then, to include examples of a patriarchal system encountering problems and realities


How was it possible then, that such an ideal structure was created in the Lim family, while other families succumbed to the usual separation? Many reasons are subtlety outlined in Wolf's ethnography, but two unique ones stand out above the rest. The first stems directly from Lim Han-ci's strong character and personality. He was a true patriarchal head, a father who was exceedingly active in training and controlling his family (Wolf, 1968). Lim Han-ci generated for his family a reputation and a name, which survived his ultimate death. Though at times brutal, Lim Han-ci became a symbol to the Lim family, outlining what the family needed to strive for in succeeding generations. In fact, all fourteen members of the family protected the honor that Lim Han-ci created, as if he was still present and walking among them. It is through this type of patrilineal respect that Lim Chieng-cua was able to maintain such a high degree of control (Wolf, 1968). This of course, was not the only reason that power became vested in the hands of Lim Chieng-cua. Another focal point that transferred power to the third eldest was the death of Lim Hue-lieng.

Everything prior to this has been based on the ideal or traditional system of kinship regulations. By no means is it an exhaustive look at the ideal rules outlining patrilineal dominance or patrilocal residence. What it instead creates is an image that Chinese society means to mimic. Of course there are times in reality where it is next to impossible to completely mimic or mirror the ways of an ideal society. What in turn is created, in society, can be termed a "patrilineal modification". Some examples of this type of modification can be found in "The House of Lim", which I will turn to shortly. But first I would like to include a patrilineal anomaly that occurs outside of traditional society. This anomaly deals with the possibility of a family conceiving no sons and instead conceiving only daughters. When this happens (though rare) a modification to the existing system must transpire. What happens is that said family, brings in an adopted son-in-law from outside of the integral kinship group. Once an agreement has been struck between the affinal and non-affinal parties, then the adopted husband will come and live in his wife's house with his wife's parents. Any children that are born into this union will assume the daughter's parents surname, not his own (Xiaotong, 1983). This example is raised, because in and of itself, it contradicts what has been outlined before as a strict and claustrophobic patrilineal system. What this and examples from "The House of Lim will show is the flexibility and variability that is also inherent to any kinship system.The Lim family in many respects in Taiwanese society, is both typical and at times atypical of the "normal" kinship forms found in the majority of Taiwanese homes (Wolf, 1968). Much of the atypical reasons, center around the size and inherent complexity of the Lim's abode. Margery Wolf is quick to point out that the Lim's household is comprised of fourteen permanent members and still manages "to be the only family retaining the eminence of being, united under one roof". Ironically this situation is actually the ideal situation sought after throughout Taiwan and China. It is the aspiration of most families, to one day be able to house separate male dominated descent lines under one roof and under one headsman. What is common in reality though, is the occurrence of friction between brothers, especially married brothers living together in close quarters. No matter how strong the ancestral father or mother, the normal course of action is for the brothers to begin to squabble over power and domination of the family. And even though in a strictly traditional sense, the younger brother(s) should give in without a fight, this rarely happens in reality. The younger brother is meant to stay submissive, says Baker, and as long as the fathe

Some common words found in the essay are:
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Approximate Word count = 3366
Approximate Pages = 13 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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