Analyse the historical and current significance of the French socialist party
The French Socialist Party (PS) was established by the conversion of the Section francaise de l'internationale ouvriere (SFIO) in to the PS in 1969. However it wasn't until 1971 at the Epinay-sur-seine conference, when Francois Mitterrand emerged as leader that it began its transformation into France's leading political party. In order to understand the transition that took place within the socialist ranks in the 1980's in France it is necessary to have an idea of the history of the left (RBB, 2000). During the Fourth Republic the Socialists (SFIO) adopted an anti communist stance, due to the influence of the Cold War ethos. It was also deeply involved in the coalition governments of the time often involved in policy and decision making of things that did not tow the party line. For example the SFIO were during the miners' strike in 1948 it was the socialist interior minister, Jules Moch, who sent in troops against striking miners which resulted in at least two deaths (Forbes an Hewlett, 1998, p.17). During the 1960's the political parties of the left were sorely divided which hit them hard during the elections as low support showed.The problem the left had was the dominant position that the communist party (PCF) had always he
A range of factors explains this outcome. The reformist, market-orientated turn adopted by the PS, with its stress on economic orthodoxy, budgetary restraint and the reduction of inflation, proved unexpected for voters who in 1981 had been promised a 'break with capitalism' (Forbes and Hewlett, 1998, p.12). Yet it cannot fully explain their desertion to the right, who proposed the same with interest. However, the phenomenon of structural unemployment, with its increases to a new record high in nearly every year between 1981 and 1993, speaks of a failure of the PS which their voters were unable to forgive. In its wake, unemployment had exacerbated social stresses, notably racism, social exclusion and increased inequality, outcomes which contradicted the core principles of the left (Hall, Hayward and Machin, 1994, p.22). Then came the surprise dissolution of the Assemblee Nationale by president Chirac on 21st April 1997, it back fired some what on Chirac, because it caught the right napping, but accelerated the regrouping of the left. The PS involved itself in many agreements with other parties from the left such as the PCF and the Greens, mainly so that their candidates would not contest each other. In consequence the gauche plurielle was able to put forward the left's most united front for two decades, with the PS leading the way (Ardagh, 1999, pp.29-30). The 1974 presidential election was a close run affair. With Pompidou's death the right had been left without an agreed candidate, the economy was deteriorating with inflation at 17%, and unemployment was rising (Gildea, 1997, 97-98). The left on the other hand was united behind Mitterrand, his control over the PS ensuring that factions were quiet. Plus Communist (PCF) support was guaranteed with the Common Program. By the time campaigning started Mitterrand was able to consider himself to be bound by no agreements and campaign on his own platform of moderate reform. Although the PS was locked in to specific policies such as ideas of worker democracy, Mitterrand as presidential candidate was able to build a wider coalition of support including left-leaning Catholics, and ex-gaulists. Mitterrand came within a hair's breadth of beating Giscard d'Estaing getting 49.2% of the vote and the PS did very well in local elections in 1976 and 1977 (Forbes and Hewlett, 1998, p.16). All this led to Mitterrand's position to be strengthened and the PCF's weakened. Then on the 10th May Mitterrand was elected and for the first time since the Popular Front, a predominantly socialist government was to be formed. Indeed since the French revolution of 1789 France had only experienced three years of truly left-wing leadership. Mitterrand's victories in the presidential elections of 1981 and 1988 had a big part to play in the rise of the PS, but he perhaps precipitated its fall as well.
Some common words found in the essay are:
Jospin PS, PCF Greens, Common Program, Forbes Hewlett, Country Report, Indeed French, Minister Jospin, Hayward Machin, Rocard Mitterrand's, Francois Hollande, coalition partners, prime minister, forbes hewlett, pcf greens, forbes hewlett 1998, hewlett 1998, trade industry database, laurent fabius, industry database, left rbb, rbb iac trade, common program, iac trade industry, industry database 1999, database 1999,
Approximate Word count = 2131
Approximate Pages = 9 (250 words per page double spaced)
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