The difficulty of any theory of 'the state' is an obvious one. 'The state' is a generalization that is constantly shifting and redefining 'itself' and the power paradigms that exist within 'it'. Therefore, it is difficult to agree on an identifiable spatial and conceptual vision of what 'the state' is. Such are some of the obstacles that the many streams of feminism have had to contend with when theorising about 'the state'. It is conceptually understandable that there are so many diverse and often conflicting theories of state presented by feminism, especially considering not only the heterogeneity of feminism, but also the abstract nature of 'the state' and the paradigms of power and its distribution. When comparing and contrasting the different feminist theories of 'the state', the following traditional classifications of feminism will be examined: (1) Marxist/socialist feminism which presents theories of state structured within the framework of methods of pr

Allen, Judith, 'Does Feminism Need a Theory of "The State"?' in Watson, Sophie (ed.) Playing the State: Australian feminist interventions, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1990.

Liberal feminism, entrenched in the philosophy of liberalism as touted by John Stuart Mill and Jeremy Bentham, is "fundamentally concerned with justice and equality, arguing that women suffer from discrimination because of their sex." (van Acker 1999) The state, according to liberal feminists, is not intrinsically masculine or patriarchal, but, historically, happened to be run by men. According to liberal feminists, the state is a neutral arbiter, pluralistic and "can be influenced or captured by different interest groups." (Watson 1990) Again, while acknowledging that the state is run by men, liberal feminists believe that this is so due to the lack of female participation in state institutions. Their answer as to how to rectify the situation is more women participating in the state, initiatives, legislation and policies that promote equality and address women's concerns and full co-operation with 'the-temporarily-patriarchal-state' to bring about such changes. This is an important concept in that it is loaded with preconceived idealistic notions on pluralistic states and a certain naivete as to how power exists and functions within it. Liberal feminists believe that through better education, employment and similar luxuries, women can change the nature of the state and increase equality for women. This theory is a theory of the privileged. Clearly, liberal feminism is by privileged white women for privileged white women. Liberal feminists fail to take into consideration the important difference in degrees of power and access to such luxurious forms of 'activism' in different classes and ethnicities. While liberal feminists have examined the historical nature of the state, they have failed to understand the deeper complexities of the state and its inherently patriarchal nature. The state seems to have been severed from any human qualities and granted a mystical power-unto-itself-nature which is a complete failure by liberal feminists to grasp the concept of power and the origins of the state.

...a set of social relationships between men, which have a material base, and which, though hierarchical, establish or create interdependence and solidarity among men that enable them to dominate women... The material base upon which patriarchy rests lies most fundamentally in men's control over women's labour power. (Hartmann 1981)

If this form of patriarchy is accepted, and the state is identified as being a bastion for patriarchy, it becomes clear how the state, class power relationships and gender combine to ensure the dominance of women sexually and as part of the working class. The obvious shortcoming of this specific analysis is that gender quickly becomes subsumed by class politics and class power relations. While this analysis is still legitimate and can be applied to understand many aspects of the power structures that exist within today's capitalist societies, it also shares some of the deficiencies of Marxism. The immediate deficiency comes in the form of no consideration of the roles race or ethnicity play in determining not just class relations or gender relations, but also power relations within a 'state'. Also, there is the questionable concept of patriarchy that van Acker raises: Hartmann's definition of patriarchy as relations between men undermines and fails to consider women's ability not just to resists, but to actually influence institutions of the state. (van Acker 1999) Marxist feminism's answer to this problem is revolution, but seemingly within the much greater framework of the proletariat's revolution to overthrow the capitalist class. This raises the further question that why is the proletariat not ne

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Approximate Pages = 10 (250 words per page double spaced)