Vietnam, win or lose
By the late 1960s, the conflict in Vietnam had escalated to a limited war involving approximately half a million military personnel and billions of dollars a year. The American presence in Indochina had steadily increased from the Truman administration to Kennedy's decision to initiate greater American involvement in 1961. The peak of 543,000 American forces was achieved in 1969 and was the culmination of US aid to the nation of South Vietnam. The US policy since the beginning of the Cold War had been containment of Communist aggression and advances. US intentions of ensuring democracy throughout the world had not changed, however the US did not support the right of self-determination in Vietnam in scheduled elections in 1956. Rather an incorrect analysis of the Vietnam situation: inaccurately identifying it with the previous Korean quagmire and the overall attitudes of indiscriminate fear of any communist movement, regardless of circumstances, prevailed over American foreign policy and helped begin an ill-advised escalation of American involvement into the Vietnamese civil war. The brief excerpts from The Arrogance of Power address these sentiments. J. William Fulbright discusses the reasons for American involvement
in Vietnam as stemming significantly from previous American experiences, namely Korea and McCarthyism. Both factors created an environment where all communist movements were viewed with fear and hostility. More forthright American involvement was initiated in these prejudiced times, with indirect military assistance to the French in Indochina in 1950, disregarding important considerations of nationalism and anti-colonialism. America's involvement in Vietnam violated the terms of the Geneva Agreement of 1954 and American intervention was also justified by the American recognition of the demarcation line between North and South Vietnam as a valid political boundary, contrary to the Geneva Agreements specific statement that the line was strictly provisional. To find a solution, Fulbright declares that we must recognize that nationalism is the strongest political force in the world and we must therefore adjust our priorities accordingly, to accommodate the possibility of a communist influenced nationalist movement. We must allow a communist Johnson, Lyndon B. "Our Duty in Southeast Asia" (1965) This is not the only instance where US intervention was justified on the basis of defending freedom against communist movements. Intervention in the Dominican Republic in
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Approximate Word count = 857
Approximate Pages = 3 (250 words per page double spaced)
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