Black Texans and Mexican Americans in Texas

Historians have described the early twentieth century as the nadir of race relations in this country. Ironically, populism, which tried to create a biracial political coalition, helped to encourage segregation in the south. Attempting to prevent any coalition of blacks and poor white farmers, establishment Democratic politicians frequently demonstrated their Negrophobia by accusing blacks of having inherently inferior racial characteristics and warning that such innate flaws threatened society. There began a move to make African Americans outsiders, governed by political leaders for whom they could not vote and segregated by law and custom into a separate society.

The movement largely succeeded. In rural areas of Texas, most blacks did not vote, as they became victims of all white primaries. As black Texans migrated to cities, however, they acquired some voting power.

Excluded from political participation, black Texans watched as white officials segregated public facilities. The state legislature in 1910 and 1911 ordained that railroad stations must have separate waiting rooms and separate water fountains and restrooms existed at p

ublic facilities. It was virtually impossible for the black citizens to stay at major hotels; to eat in better restaurants, to attend most cultural or other entertainment events unless segregated, inferior seating sections were provided.

The social life of black Texans functioned in separate spheres from whites. Blacks observed Juneteenth as well as the usual state and national holidays. Carter Wesley, a prominent lawyer and publisher, moved to Houston in 1927. He worked for the Houston Informer and later became its publisher. Wesley also published the Dallas Express, which, along with the Informer chain and the Galveston New Idea, gave a long lasting voice to black writers.

Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican and the organizer of the Universal Negro Association, advocated black pride, a back-to-Africa movement, and the development of black enterprises. His attempt to found a local chapter in Dallas in 1922 met with opposition, as did the efforts of Sam, from many black leaders and middle-class African Americans. The expanding economy of the 1920s did open new employment opportunities for black males as porters and chauffeurs and in building trades and oil refining. Except as janitors and laborers, the public sector hired few African Americans.

William M. McDonald used his connections with black Masons to convince other fraternal groups in 1912 to help him establish the Fraternal Bank and Trust Company in Fort Worth. His influence in the African American communities of the state made him perhaps the most important black political leader of the 1920s. Black Texans had organized separate institutions by 1930 that furnished intellectual and social stimulation apart from white society. These organizations, strong in those urban areas with an increasing black population, schooled young blacks that would challenge the system of Jim Crow. Under the leadership of W.R. Banks, the school established a division of arts and sciences in 1931. Despite the limitations of black education, public and private schools were able to prepare many black Texans for leadership in politics, education, and business.

Some common words found in the essay are:
African Americans, Galveston Idea, Texas Historians, Manuel Guerra, Mexicans Swing, Texas Mexicans, Mexican Americans, WR Banks, San Antonio, Cooperative Union, black texans, african americans, white society, mexican americans, life black texans, texans remained, public facilities, life black, south texas, black bourgeoisie, political participation,
Approximate Word count = 1602
Approximate Pages = 6 (250 words per page double spaced)