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Crisis in Kosovo

The tension in Kosovo has existed for centuries, dating back as far as 1389 when Serbs lost an epic battle to the Ottoman Turks in Kosovo. Not until 1912, more than 500 years later did the Serbs regain control when Kosovo became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes following the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. With the conclusion of World War II, as an absolute monarchy under the name Yugoslavia, the country became a communist republic. Autonomy was granted to Kosovo in 1974 in a revised constitution. Kosovo, although a Serbian province, was largely occupied by ethnic Albanians who established Albanian-language schools and institutions. In 1987, Slobodan Milosevic rose to power in Yugoslavia, riding the wave of Serbian nationalism with his promises of a "Greater Serbia." Escalating tensions between the Serbs and the ethnic Albanians and the fear of secession prompted Milosevic to strip Kosovo, though 90 percent Albanian, of it's autonomy and army troops and police were deployed in battle strength to maintain order. Kosovo's Albanian majority voted in 1992 to secede from Yugoslavia, voicing a desire to merge with Albania. President Bush warned Serbs that the United States would use force if the Ser


What is to be done to reconcile both the right to Yugoslav territorial integrity and the right to self-determination on the part of the Kosovars? There will need to be two policy prescriptions. Foreign Minister Zivadin Jovanovic has warned the United States and its allies that any initiation of a ground war would result in a conflict that would make Vietnam look like nothing. But the situation would become very different to the one in Southeast Asia. After an extensive air campaign, new conditions provide an end to NATO air strikes from the outset, not completion of Serbian withdrawal from Kosovo. From there on in, armed NATO peacekeepers will administer the safe return of Kosovar refugees. In this sense, and with the knowledge of human rights violations, the international community will justly revoke Yugoslavia's sovereignty. The second policy prescription is the most difficult. Slobodan Milosevic and his supporters must be removed from office and new, democratic institutions put in place to ensure both the maintenance of the Yugoslav state and the wider participation and self-determination of Kosovars. The second policy prescription's success relies upon the Serbian people. A vocal minority will be hateful of the measure. It will be a matter of harnessing the anti-Milosevic sentiments present during the protests of 1991 and 1997 to remove him from office. He will not retire without a struggle. His removal by his own constituents proves the key component to the success of new democratic institutions.

Democratic institutions, in which the Kosovars, Montenegrins, and Serbians alike may be represented, seem the best (though not the perfect) solution to opposing sovereignty and self-determination rights. Much as in Bosnia, a peacekeeping force will be required for years to attempt to fortify the new constitutional government against what amounts to over 600 years of distrust between the Serbian and Kosovar parties. This solution is ideal in the respect that it is a compromise attractive to the international community. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia will be maintained. A medium for some safe exercise of self-determination rights will be provided. No clear preference will

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Approximate Word count = 1490
Approximate Pages = 6 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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