urban history
During the 19th century there was a rapid growth of American cities due to immigration and migration from rural areas. This rise in the population created enormous problems for city governments, which were often unable to provide for the people and lacked any type of structure. In these conditions we begin to see the emergence of political machines, such as Tammany Hall in New York City. These groups were able to build a loyal voter following, especially among immigrant groups, by performing such favors as providing jobs or housing. Political machines are characterized by a disciplined and hierarchical organization, reaching down to neighborhood and block organizers, that enables the machine to respond to the problems of individual neighborhoods, or even families, in exchange for loyalty at the polls.They were called machines because of their power to get candidates elected and their mechanical like efficiency when doing business. Political machines are local political party organizations capable of mobilizing or “manufacturing” large numbers of votes on behalf of candidates for political office. The traditional American political machine consists of three elements: a county committee, which governed the machine; an
army of ward and precinct leaders who mobilized and organized support at the neighborhood level; and party loyalists who supported the machine with votes and financial support in return for benefits provided by ward and precinct leaders. The county committee consisted of professional politicians and the party’s top office holders within the county. In some cases, a single leader, called the “party boss”, would dominate the committee. In the 20th century, individuals such as Kansas City’s Thomas J. Pendergast, Boston’s James Michael Curly, and Chicago’s Richard J. Daily exercised a controlling influence on their city’s political affairs through their command of the county committee. The county committee’s control of government jobs and its ability to secure contributions from businesses enabled it to establish and maintain the machine’s second organizational tier, the precinct or ward organization. Benefits at the ward and precinct level provided the machine’s link to the foundations of its organization, the party loyalists in the electorate. It was this type of political structure that was the back bone for machine politics and it was this type of politics that inspired Edwin O’Connor’s popular novel “The Last Hurrah” in 1956. This novel chronicles the career of Frank Skeffington, the longtime Irish-American mayor of a major eastern city, as he begins an unsuccessful reelection campaign. Skeffington is modeled on James M. Curly, the longtime mayor of Boston, and his power is built on personal relationships and patronage, with his charm and kindness making his corruption seem less dangerous. Frank Skeffington is a typical political machine boss and his political dealings can be compared to other big bosses like; Boss Tweed, Tim Sullivan, and Richard Croker. These bosses all provided the city with the programs and relief that it needed, even though, some provided it using more legal methods than others did. This was a time when the federal government did not provide any type of relief programs or aid for the poor. Because of this lack in government programs the public was left empty and without hope; these bosses came into their lives and delivered what they promised, relief. The reason for their success was that they made their power known and they were accessible to all that needed them. As Skeffington put it, “I am available to every man and women in the state, all they need is a little patience, and, of course, the vote.” (O’Connor p.11) Neighborhood constituents formed one special interest group served by political machines; the business community was the other. (Chud. 157) By securing public offices and the patronage a
Some common words found in the essay are:
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Approximate Word count = 1851
Approximate Pages = 7 (250 words per page double spaced)
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