Modern approaches to the study of suicide are preoccupied by the idea of 'risk' factors but it is argued that this approach does little to advance the understandings of suicide rates. Durkheim provided a realist theory. By contrast modern approaches to the study of suicide which talk of 'risk factors' (Bluementhal &Kupfer, 1990; Charlton, 1993; Davison & Linnoila, 1991) do not provide a theory at all.

'Risk theory' has become the dominant framework within which approaches to the study of suicide are currently framed but it offers little insights into the phenomena. Durkheim however, knew about altruistic suicide deriving from over-integration (Durkheim, 1952, p 171). He offers a theory that might account for it. Risk theory presents us with lists of pre-existing conditions which provide circumstances in which suicides are more likely to occur.

Suicide rates for men and women in Canada followed similar trends throughout much of this century until the early 1970's when they diverged. Rates reduced during both the First and Second World Wars, rose duri

slaves (Durkheim 1952). Of this type Durkheim said, it is of 'very little contemporary importance'.

The centrality of intentionality is further undermined by the observation that many suicides are acts by people in depressive states where, even in rationalist accounts of subjectivity, recognition is taken of the distorting effects that this has on conventional decision making (Platt 1984). Risk theory does not typically trouble itself with such difficulties and neither has it learnt from Durkheim the possibility of developing explanatory frameworks for understanding suicide -in short of the necessity of theory. To recognize the difficulties in understanding how suicide has come to be understood is not to surrender to a jumble of facts (Platt 1984).

Accompanying with the decline in traditional male manual work has come rising levels of male unemployment which in many regions exceeds levels that apply to young women. One consequence of this has been a change in the sexual relations between young men and women (Phoenix, 1991). This has been a factor in the dissolution of the connection between marriage and motherhood. For many young women at the wrong end of the social scale the men they meet may not be considered as worth marrying (Phoenix, 1991). They increasingly offer an economic and social burden rather than a benefit (Phoenix, 1991). Therefore a change in the employment patterns for young men directly impacts upon their sexual and domestic relations. And it is well known that, on a whole range of measures, single men are a much more vulnerable social group than married men (Phoenix, 1991).

Douglas also offered an explanation to the causes of suicide. One of Douglas' claims was that suicide was not a unitary phenomenon at all. The suicide/para-suicide distinction, which is at the heart of definitional questions, is one that seeks to reduce the relevance of intention in para-suicide and this has the effect of more clearly differentiating it from suicide itself. In his important and intelligent review Platt reminded us that para-suicide was introduced by Kreitman et al in 1969 to refer to, 'a behavioral analogue of suicide but without considering a psychological orientation towards death being in any way essential to the definition' (quoted in Platt 1984 p. 94). Platt regarded the introduction of the new term as helpful because the old term 'attempted suicide' implies that an intention to die is always present in such acts (Platt 1984). It is true that attempted suicide may involve acts where there is no psychological orientation towards death but that is to put the more obvious case (Platt 1984). More strongly it can said that the absence of a psychological orientation to death is actually present in suicide as well. Indeed, as we have seen, an orientation to death does not even figure as central to Durkheim's more sophisticated definition (Platt 1984). In altruistic suicide for example the subject may have no desire to die but they may know that the actions that they take will lead to death (Platt 1984). It was this -knowing that an action taken, or not taken, will lead to death -that Durkheim took to be the defining characteristic of suicide (Platt 1984).

Some researchers in Canada, whilst admitting that they are puzzled as to why rates are increasing for men and not for women and recognizing the need for further work, suggest that study of risk factors may be fruitful (Charlton et al. 1993). The argument is that as defined risk factors have increased so have suicidal mortality rates (Charlton et al. 1993). The general factors that are referred to are illness, personal factors, social factors, stressful life events and access to the means of committing suicide. The specific risk factors that are typically regarded as relevant for suicidal mortality include high divorce rates, high unemployment, exposure to armed combat, increasing risk of imprisonment, use of drugs and increase

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