A critical ontology is very complex. The critical theorist's beliefs about reality and the nature of humans have varied throughout development. Today, critical theorists hold a more subjective view, but also value the importance of "objectification in the social world" (Miller 65). Critical theorists believe that humans have free will, and can make their own decisions, but need to grasp reality. The critical paradigm suggests that humans are living in an illusion, but also believe the world is socially constructed. For example, both muted group theory and standpoint theory look at how social structure and experience sha

The power that the bouncers have over the potential patrons of a bar forces individuals to alter their behavior minimizing their presence and possible displays of insubordination. Individuals who do not alter their actions increase their chances of drawing unwanted attention from the bouncers in a way rejecting the power and authority that the bouncers have over them the potential client. To control the crowd and repel any unruly individuals, bouncers display a tuff guy image and make judgment calls .

This evidence shows that many bouncers use the power they have over bar patrons to their advantage. They use it so that others view them as "important" or powerful. It is an issue related to status; the bouncers believe that they have higher status than patrons. This evidence shows that bouncers marginalize patrons by picking and choosing how he is going to treat each one based on many different attributes, such as the way someone looks, acts, or if he knows them or not.

The axiology of critical theory stresses the importance of being upfront with values. Critical theorists feel it is practically impossible to keep values out of the research. Values should guide research, and theorists should strive to change the social construction they are critiquing (Miller 68).

Many social practices show that messages of submission play into the dominant group's power. For instance, when there is a wait, it is an unspoken societal rule to form a line. Generally, people are not rowdy while waiting in line, because that might jeopardize the likeliness that they will get into the bar. Also, girls often reinforce the bouncer's power by flirting with them to get into the bar if they are underage, or to get in for free. People will also be ready to hand their identification to the doormen or bouncer, and do not make them wait. It will be ready and waiting because patrons know bouncers do not have patience with them. Customers will generally be very mild mannered, quiet, calm and maybe even nervous when approaching a bouncer, because bouncers will not hesitate to turn you away. This is another show of power. If a bouncer chooses to deny you, there is nothing you can do. They have ultimate power on whether or not you are admitted to a particular establishment, and their decisions are generally final, even if they are wrong.

Any average person could (and probably already has) witness the actions described during this imbalance of power. We can see this at any establishment that has a doorman or bouncer checking identification. Around college campuses are places where this type of behavior is most common, due to the fact that most bouncers are college age men, and most of the patrons are of the same age. This is especially where bouncers may feel most powerful, because they have control over their peers.

To research this phenomenon, we went to Cornerstone Bar and Grill in downtown College Park and observed the bouncers and patrons waiting in line. We stood on the sidewalk a few feet away from the bouncer checking each person's identification. Within an hour, we observed quite a few different instances that supported our theory. In almost every case, we saw the bouncer say nothing to the patron, but the patron almost always said, "hi" or "how's it going?" to the bouncer. Almost

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Approximate Word count = 2239
Approximate Pages = 9 (250 words per page double spaced)