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Between Might and Right

Herzel believed that anti-Semitism was an "incurable gentile pathology." Zionism was developed as an ideology determined to lead its people out of "perpetual enemy territory." The Jews, he posited, should have a nation-state of their own. "Herzel himself would have been ready to contemplate any territory for this purpose, but most Zionists felt that Palestine was the only possible one. Palestine was the land of their ancestors; the idea of the return to Zion, of Next Year in Jerusalem, had been kept alive throughout the long centuries of exile and suffering; only 'the mighty legend' of Palestine had the power to stir the Jewish masses." Herzel said "It is their [the Arabs of Palestine] well-being, their individual wealth, which we will increase by bringing in our own." But we must not forget that Herzel was a man of his times, times in which an ethnocentric European imperialism dominated the backwards lands of the world through conquest and control. The moral dilemmas derived from the force necessary in accomplishing such imposing goals in the service of civilization did not seem as reprehensible as it does in today's day and age.

In approaching a dilemma or conflict of sorts one must decide what one wishes to gain in its


Grossman's Depiction of Dehesia as a camp of Palestinians in exile, just as the Jews were not too long ago is striking. To placate the Palestinian Arab Gideon Levy has a rather interesting solution. Levy proposes "If Israel ...would allow the Arab minority to identify openly with its tragedy [on the Israeli celebration of independence]...this would not have the effects of undermining the foundations of the state, as the authorities fear, but the opposite: It would be possible to integrate the Arab citizens a bit more into the state which is so estranged from them." However this seems a rather odd bit of psychological reasoning. If anything, a national recognition by one nation, of another's defeat seems nothing more than inciting and more likely to lead to conflict than to pacify it.

A major obstacle to bring about peace in Palestine is the prevailing view that most Jews have of what they want from the Arabs. What they would essentially prefer is that the Arab be passive in respect to the Jews. They want the Arab not to object to Jewish immigration and construction, not to be too closely involved in the Jewish economy, and currently not to attack Jews or to harbor the attackers. In return, the Arabs would get economic benefits from the neighboring Jewish economy, would be gradually modernized economically and politically, and would on their part not be attacked by the Jews.

What is peace as the Israeli sees it? Perhaps this portion of an editorial statement in the bulletin for Jewish Arab cooperation in January 1948 sums it up best:

One fascinating approach to the problem was formulated by Daniel Amit, an Israeli scientist at Brandeis University. Amit writes:

Perhaps Amit's principles are to idealistic and unselfish. Perhaps universal justice isn't what we're after, only that justice for ourselves should suffice? Golda Meir asks the question: "if it has been given to one in one's life time to go all the way from that protection against the pogromists in Kiev to the possibility of living in the state of Israel... and if anyone strikes at us we have the power to defend our children-what more can a Jew ask for?" Meir retains as well that "... [she is] living under a system that cannot be surpassed for justice and uprightness, equality and respect for human dignity." Golda can claim this because she as well claims that, as she did in 1969, "It was not

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Approximate Word count = 1613
Approximate Pages = 6 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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