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The Spanish-American War

It has been a 'splendid little war' wrote John Hay to Theodore Roosevelt after the fall of Santiago. Little, the Spanish-American War was; it was over in barely four months. Splendid? Maybe for those at home, reading the headline about its lucky victories. But for those men who fought in it, it was a bloody, dirty and heroic war as any in history. Zinn, Johnson, and Tindall & Shi, mostly wrote similar information about the war, some wrote more details than the others. They also emphasized strongly on different areas about the war. This is not a summarization of the history of the war, it is only to show which areas each authors wrote a great deal about.

In Howard Zinn's book, he emphasized strongly on commercial possibilities, economic interest and an establishment of a white and a black republic in Cuba. In 1898, there was a turnabout in the US business attitudes on Cuba. Businessmen had been interested, from the start of the Cuban revolt against Spain in the effect on commercial possibilities there. There was a substantial economic interest in the island because according to President Grover Cleveland's summarization in 1896, it is estimated that at least $30 million to $50 million of American capital are investe


Tindall & Shi wrote that the chief motive of the war was a sense of outrage at another country's imperialism. Throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, Cubans had repeatedly revolted against Spanish rule, only to be ruthlessly suppressed. Simmering discontent with Spanish rule had been aggravated by the Wilson-Gorman Tariff of 1894, which took sugar off the free list in the midst of a depression already damaging to the market for Cuban sugar. Raw sugar prices collapsed, putting Cubans out of work and thereby rekindling their desire for rebellion. Public feeling in the US supported the rebels since American investment in Cuba, mainly in sugar and mining were rising steadily. The Cleveland administration tried to protect American rights in Cuba but avoided involvement beyond an offer of mediation. America's posture of neutrality changed sharply when McKinley entered office. He had been elected on a platform that endorsed independence for Cuba. In 1897, Spain's queen offered Cuba autonomy in return for peace, but Cubans rejected the offer. On February 9 Hearst's New York Journal released the text of a letter form Spanish minister Depuy de Lome to a friend in Havana, stolen from the post office by a Cuban spy. In the letter, he called President McKinley "weak and a bidder for the administration of the crowd, besides being a politician who tries to leave a door open behind himself while keeping on good terms with the jingoes of his party." This is one information that Zinn left out in his book, but Johnson and Tindall & Shi considered it. Six days later, on February 15, 1898, the Maine exploded in Havana Harbor and sank with a loss of 266 men. Roosevelt called the sinking "an act of dirty treachery on the part of the Spaniards." Lacking hard evidence, the court made no effort to fix the blame, but the yellow press had no need of evidence. According to Johnson, whether this splendid little was created by Hearst or by US business interests, or was an accident, or inevitable, is still being argued by historians. But in 1976, a comprehensive study concluded that the sinking of the Maine was an accident, the result of an internal explosion triggered by a fire in its coal bunker, but at that time the Hearst press, and the New York World blamed Spain.

For almost fifty years after World War, the antagonism caused by two rival ideologies-democracy and communism-dominated international politics. Although by no means the only nations involved in this long conflict we call the cold war, the democratic United States and the Communist Soviet Union were always at its center. These superpowers vied to surpass each other at controlling international affairs, stockpiling nuclear weapons, racing for the moon, etc. When the Soviet Union officially disbanded on Christmas day, 1991, forty-six years of open hostility between the East and West finally came to an end. The cold war was over, but its effects remain.

In 1929, business seemed good, incomes were rising, and the chief architect of Republican prosperity was about to enter the White House. Hoover had no fears for the future of the country. He said it is bright with hopes. Hoover's program to stabilize business carried over into his program for agriculture, the most visibly weak sector of the economy. The Hawley-Smoot Tariff of 1930 carried duties to an all-time high. Rates went up on some 70 farm products and more than 900 manufactured items. More than 1000 economists petitioned Hoover to veto the bill because they said, it would raise prices to consumers, damage the export trade and thus hurt farmers, promote inefficiency, and provoke foreign reprisal. Events proved them right, but Hoover felt that he had to go along with his party in an election year. When the economy got out of control, the tariff did nothing to check a deepening crisis of confidence in the economy.

America was a laissez-faire country in the 1920s. Businessmen were free to ma

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Approximate Word count = 3102
Approximate Pages = 12 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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