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Democratization in 3rd World

Perspectives on Governance, Democratization and Regime Transition in the Third World

After the fall of communism in the late 1980s, democratic rule became the only legitimate alternative for political reform in developing nations. Consequently, throughout the past decade, the world has witnessed the emergence of a global movement toward democratization-a process that, until recently, was commonly regarded as the most effective instrument for inspiring economic growth and development. However, with the growing failure and breakdown of most post-colonial democratic African states, many are now questioning its efficacy as a model for political transition. The standards and understandings at play in the debate over democratization are thus often inconsistent and undefined. As Gordon Hyden notes in African Perspectives of Governance, "The usage of the concept varies from being focused on issues of the state as well as the regime. Scholarly analysts as well as those involved in making policy are yet to find agreement on what governance really stands for" (Hyden et al., 2000: 6).

In this vein, the following paper: (1) assesses the interpretations and usages of governance as presented by Hyden et al; (2) addresses the practic


Schmitter, P.C., (1998), WOMEN AND DEMOCRACY: LATIN AMERICA AND CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Political equality, as one of the most important conditions of democratic government, is clearly integral to the process of democratization. In the case of African nations, the exclusion and oppression of women is among the most visible forms of inequality. Unfortunately, because the circumstances that perpetuate gender inequality are less evident, identifying the policy solution necessary for its resolution is difficult. In their discussion of neo-patrimonial systems of African government-usually characterized by the complete absence of public accountability, Hyden et al. emphasize that neo-patrimonialism is also patriarchal, further noting that "the way most of Africa's modern rulers have interpreted their traditions is to treat women as second-class subjects, not even second-class citizens. In neo-patrimonialist systems, women suffer even more than men from the frailty-if not absence-of a 'rights' culture in society" (Hyden et al., 2000: 21). And until governments are able to engender the ethnical norms of equality within the public realm, any political action at the legislative or state level untenable.

With that said, there seems to be little doubt that, of the several interpretations offered, the African Perspective purported by Hyden et al is by far the most insightful and accurate. Their understanding of Third World issues transcends the boundaries sophisticated statistical analysis by recognizing that the Third World can not be understood through economics alone. Like all political regimes, the condition of the Third World is the product of constantly developing complex web of historical, cultural and ethnic developments which, in turn, then form the pillars of a longstanding and dynamic tradition. Only when armed with this understanding is true political reform made possible.

The broader analytical framework employed by Hyden et al. in the study of governance serves as a basis for understanding and explaining the substantive differences which separate their interpretation of democratization and regime transition from that of other authors. Most immediately, this distinction is clearly evident in the contrasting explanations purported by Hyden et al. and Adrian Leftwich concerning the failure of democratization in several Third World African states (most notably, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Nigeria, and Tanzania). By adopting a more global analysis, Hyden et al attribute the failure

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Approximate Word count = 1716
Approximate Pages = 7 (250 words per page double spaced)


  

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